President Yeltsin has even said that enlargement could ignite the flame of war across Europe

President Yeltsin has even said that enlargement could ignite “the flame of war” across Europe.. Although some would have liked him to have gone further – outlining a timetable for Nato admission – they were relieved to hear that no delays were envisaged.Having produced a study on the “how” and “why” of enlargement last year, Nato members are this year considering the questions of “who” and “when”, with answers expected to be forthcoming at a meeting in December.Mr Christopher did not specify which countries were likely to join first, but they are widely believed to be Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic.The prospect of seeing its former vassal states joining the old Nato enemy has horrified many in Russia. No nation in Europe should ever again be consigned to a buffer-zone between great powers, or relegated to another nation’s sphere of interest.”Mr Christopher’s words of reassurance were well received by his Czech hosts and the foreign ministers of 11 other Central and East European countries who had flown to Prague to hear them. He was critical of what he termed a “dark vision of the future” presented by the Russian parliament, which last week voted in favour of reconstituting the Soviet Union “History must not be reversed.

At the same time, he insisted Russia was not to be excluded from what he hoped would evolve into an undivided Europe and that it too had a “positive contribution” to make to the continent’s security.His remarks came as Nato’s Secretary-General, Javier Solana, spent a day trying to put the alliance’s case in Moscow, where there is fierce opposition to enlargement. Tomorrow Mr Christopher will seek to reduce Russian anxiety in meetings with President Yeltsin and other officials.While stressing the desire not to isolate Moscow, Mr Christopher said the integration of Central Europe into Western structures such as Nato and the European Union would neither determine nor be determined by events in Russia. But he has been campaigning furiously to secure his benchmark of 50 per cent of the votes. The act of voting was an expression of Taiwan’s democracy, he thundered at a rally last week, adding: “I urge people to elect someone who has experience and has guts.”.

Peking’s offer of “One country, two systems” for peaceful reunification was rejected. Private foreign visits by Taiwanese leaders appeared quietly on the agenda.Mr Lee set about cleaning up Taiwan’s anachronistic political system. He got rid of the KMT old guard, General Chiang’s entourage from the mainland who had sat in parliament under the 1946 constitution with permanent seats, often asleep or senile Direct elections were introduced. However, critics complain that he failed to confront extensive money and mafia influence in local and national politics – the biggest test for him if he is elected.Modesty is not one of Mr Lee’s strong points, and Taiwanese often attack him for being arrogant and reluctant to take criticism. For the first time the party’s standing committee was elected by party members, and opposition parties were soon legalised.As far back as 1990, at his delayed inauguration as president, Mr Lee charted a path that would inevitably bring him into conflict with the mainland. Crucially, in 1984 Mr Lee was appointed vice- president, though at that stage it seemed far-fetched that a native Taiwanese would ever become president. But Taiwan was changing; in 1987, martial law was finally lifted, street protests were permitted, and press freedom was improved.In 1988, the younger Chiang suddenly died, and Mr Lee took over as President and head of KMT.